第十章 一个有效的公共启蒙机构：临时展览在科学博物馆中的作用02
1974年10月，托马斯曾预测，“这不是一个能吸引大量观众的主题展览”[109]，到1976年8月月底访问数只达到了32236人次，这比较令人失望。[110]于1976年4月7日开始的展览在举办了四周之后，伊斯兰世界节日信托基金会给科学博物馆写信说：“科学博物馆每天有成千上万的观众，但很少有观众观看这个展览。”[111]该组织指责了展览售票区域不准确的指示牌和较高的价格。于是，展览售票厅的位置被移动了，也新增了一些路标和报纸广告以增加该展览的访问量，但是这些举措也没有发挥作用。毫无疑问，部分原因是天气太热，虽然为保护古代手稿，部分展览区安装了空调，但1976年夏天还是非常炎热。另外一个主要原因是参观展览是需要付费的，这在当时的科学博物馆是非常罕见的。而且，本次展览没有与科学博物馆的其他展览很好地融合，可能无法引起科学博物馆常客的兴趣。展览的参观人数确实比较少。虽然展览很受媒体欢迎——瓦特教授是在出版物上批评这个节日的极少数人之一——但是由于石油危机的影响，伊斯兰国家作为产油国在英国并不受欢迎。（图10-5）
图10-5 “伊斯兰的科学与技术”展中的展品（1976）
“伊斯兰的科学与技术”展向我们展示了科学博物馆几乎可以举办任何主题的展览，甚至是那些科学博物馆自身收藏比较薄弱的主题。但是举办这样的展览并不能确保有可观的观众数量。这次展览也说明了临时展览几乎对科学博物馆没有产生任何长期影响。“伊斯兰的科学与技术”展览并没有为科学博物馆带来任何新的赞助，也没有增加科学博物馆在伊斯兰科学与技术领域的藏品。总之，较低的参观数量、缺乏合适的展览对象，再加上伊斯兰社会学生联合会反对展览的示威游行——因为它展示了一幅描述穆罕默德的袖珍画——似乎更加说明了科学博物馆不应该涉足这个新领域。
如今的情况和以前大不相同了。如果关于这个主题的展览在今天被提出，那么人们会以更积极的方式去看待展览，博物馆会接触到新的观众，会以更新的、更具包容性的方式来展示科学。人们对伊斯兰科学有更多的了解，不只是因为纳瑟教授在这个领域的努力[112]，更重要的是科学博物馆更关注于如何让主题能够有效地吸引观众而不是关注是否有充足的展品。曼彻斯特科学与工业博物馆在2006年举办了主题为“1001项发明——在我们的世界里发现穆斯林传统”的展览，这一展览的成功举办说明面向公众举办关于伊斯兰科学的展览是有可能的。[10]
芯片的挑战（1980年）
一些技术变革对经济和社会具有巨大的影响，而且已经受到了公众的关注。如果说科学博物馆具有解释这些技术变革的作用，那么在20世纪70年代末期最突出的主题展览便是电脑芯片（科学博物馆称之为微处理器）的发展。[11]微处理器上的备忘录很好地体现了科学博物馆的角色，即在1978年10月，化学家格林纳威和数学与计算机科学家助理简·内姆斯所说的科学博物馆在教育公众中扮演的角色。格林纳威写的开放声明敲响了警钟：
在过去的几个月中，从公众对于微处理器的言论中，我们可以认识到，微处理器已经在相当长的时间里引发了很多技术观点。也就是说，分电子电路装置的快速发展已经并且正在产生影响，未来还将在更大程度上影响技术、经济和社会环境。这些讨论，即使是发生在高层中，也似乎总是令人困惑和容易产生误导的。科学博物馆将这些记录直接展示给公众以及那些咨询科技信息的人们的方式是可取的。
在“紧迫感”之下，格林纳威继续说：
鉴于政府决定创建一个资金充足的组织来促进微处理器的使用，科学博物馆的迅速反应是值得的，一方面科学博物馆可以在时过境迁之前做一些有用的事，另一方面显示出科学博物馆在社会重要领域承担着启发公众的作用。[113]
尽管如此，在科学博物馆服务的新管理员德里克·鲁宾逊提出了一个清晰并且相当引人关注的观点：他担心展览的规模太大，以至于没有足够的时间来完成它。他警告说：
即使给予近乎无限的金钱和人力资源，这个方案只有10个半月时间来实施，而且还没有被采纳，也没有进行可行性检验。假设给予这些假定资源去举办一场符合我们标准和模式的展览，就像之前描述的那样，似乎仍然是不可能的。[114]
相比之下，产业部门的约翰·安德森（John Anderson）向格林纳威表示，他的部门欢迎由科学博物馆或者微处理器设计协会组织的展览。[115]当设计协会的代表在1979年1月与格林纳威见面时，展览已经有65000英镑的资金支持（产业部门提供40000英镑，科学博物馆提供25000英镑），但还需要50000英镑。这次会见商讨的目标是举办一个从1979年11月6日开始的为期6个月的展览。[116]讨论会共有三个机构参加，主要强调开展这样大型的展览（5500平方英尺）准备时间却非常短，而且资金必须在7月7日之前筹集完成。现阶段的基本方案是各种工业产品和不同类型的芯片、编程微型计算机，以及在教育和休闲、制造业和医药领域的应用。格林纳威和内姆斯对这个展览做了初步的设想，即“从社会影响力的目标来考虑，他们不同意把时间花在计划一个具有影响力的单独部分，而是试图在每一个部分都产生一些社会影响力”。[117]到了这个阶段，展览仍然缺乏一个标题，但在3月26日诞生了一个时髦的标题“芯片的挑战：微电子将如何影响你的未来”。总指导玛格丽特·韦斯顿是一位电气工程师。她提出了这个展览领域是否真的那么宽泛，是否应该将 “微电子”改为“微处理器”等问题，但最终还是选择了这个标题。[118]也许是因为这种异议（玛格丽特·韦斯顿没有公开），或者是因为副标题很少使用，后来一直称之为“芯片的挑战”。
1979年4月至11月，科学博物馆主要在为展览筹集资金做出努力。科学博物馆所采取的措施大部分是通过细节部分的承诺来吸引新的赞助商支持。在这个困难时期，设计协会为其他展览提供了十分可观的帮助。曾在设计中心工作的工程师和工业设计师威廉·亨利·梅奥尔（William Henry Mayall）提供了几个月的有效帮助，其功劳仅次于科学博物馆。他与内姆斯建立了亲密的合作伙伴关系。他们既确定了展品涵盖的种类，也确定了与展览相关出版物的内容和布局。[119]5月，新保守党政府的上台对展览的影响微乎其微。他们认为，首相玛格丽特·撒切尔应该会对展览的基本主题“芯片是一个机遇而不是威胁”很感兴趣，甚至尝试邀请首相来为展览开幕，但结果以失败而告终。[120]
由于要增加新的部分以及科学博物馆没有确定好内容的原因，展览被推迟。[121]而且由于展会规模很大并且有许多不同的组织参与，包括工业部门、设计委员会、邮局、穆拉德公司、马可尼公司和蒙纳公司等，原定的目标日期（11月中旬）显然是不现实的。8月，展览的开幕日期又被推迟到了12月上旬。[122]国家电子产品委员会的主席肯特公爵的展览开放时间表上的开幕日期从12月13日被替换为了11月2日。[123]然而，由于约翰·贝克莱克（从11月离开的内姆斯手里接管科学博物馆的日常管理）在选择展厅建筑的承包商时出现了问题（其中的一个承包商破产了），展览开幕不得不再次被推迟到了11月22日。[124]展览最终于1980年2月26日，在艺术部副部长尼尔·麦克法兰（Neil MacFarlane）议员的组织下开幕。麦克法兰曾短暂地支持过兰开斯特和艺术部部长诺曼·圣约翰·史蒂华斯（Norman St John Stevas），但史蒂华斯没有出席开幕式活动。[125]本来计划参加的肯特公爵和微芯片的发明者也由于时间一再延迟而未能出席开幕式，但后来肯特公爵在4月23日参观了展览。[126]
甚至在开幕之前，将展览延期到超过6个月的可行性问题还在激烈的讨论中。这个展览很受欢迎，因此它的闭幕日期从原来的1980年12月31日推迟到了1981年5月5日。而这场展览的“浓缩版”直到1982年8月15日仍在科学博物馆展出。[127]（图10-6）
图10-6 “芯片的挑战”展览（1980）
注：“芯片的挑战”显示出微型芯片在汽车上的潜在应用价值，这在1980年对大多数观众来说都是一个奇怪的概念。这张照片还显示出，这次展览的设计完全突破了以前的做法。
这可能是1980年科学博物馆参观人数达到峰值（4224000人，比1979年多出514000人）的原因之一。[128]很显然，主题也是吸引人们参观的原因之一。微芯片使用的可能性及其能够对自己的工作产生何种影响，引起了观众对这次展览极大的兴趣。当时电脑还没有被大多数人所熟知，而且个人计算机也还在发展初期，公众对微芯片的广泛关注度再加上科学博物馆对复杂技术事件的把握能力，引起了来自公众的强有力的反应。
结论
科学博物馆的临时展览最初是作为展示技术进步的一种方式，后来演变成和工业部门合作的一种手段，但是他们也建立了一种方式去影响公众。这个过程在一定程度上被企业采取的不同形式隐藏了，包括个人运动，如霍德的噪声消除联盟；政府部门；国有工业，如天然气委员会；有影响力的特定组织，如支持伊斯兰世界节日信托基金会的前外交部人员。大多数引人注目的展览是由科学博物馆而不是外部机构提出的。事实上，由外部机构提出的展览，从1936年的“烟雾消除”到1976年的“伊斯兰的科学和技术”都不如科学博物馆依据自己的想法举办的展览成功。所有临时展览中最成功的是“芯片的挑战”，它几乎完全是由年轻策展人简·内姆斯一手策划举办的。很难判定它的成功是科学博物馆意识到该展览能带来成功的结果，还是策展人了解观众的结果，或者是观众在展览中感受到了科学博物馆的真实声音和权威性的结果，而且不同展览的情况也不尽相同。
正如里昂希望工业展览可以使科学博物馆能够接触到顶级商业领袖那样，这些展览使科学博物馆可以展示出顶级公职人员、政府部长和其他政治人物是如何建立和塑造公众舆论的。以这种方式，科学博物馆及其策展人可以证明，科学博物馆不仅是一个博物馆（特别是不仅是一个儿童博物馆），而且是与公众交流有关社会重要领域的技术和其他问题的一个强有力的手段。因此，通过这些临时展览，科学博物馆不仅启发了大众，而且使它与广播电视（尤其是英国广播公司）和报纸一起成为英国舆论形成的主要力量。虽然临时展览的观众不可避免地比电视观众要少，尤其是在只有三个频道的节目却能吸引到超过一千万观众的时期，科学博物馆的观众相对较少也是情有可原的。一场博物馆展览不仅仅是经验的强度和信息的深度的平衡，通常还包括实际演示、讲座和研讨会。
参考文献
1.Quoted in E.E.B.Mackintosh，‘Special Exhibitions at the Science Museum’，internal typescript intended for use as a manual，dated 30 March 1939，**D，Z 108/4，1.
2.As cited by Mackintosh，‘Special Exhibitions’，p.1.A complete list of special exhibitions can be found in Appendix One.
3.Mackintosh，‘Special Exhibitions’，p.3.
4.Ibid.
5.H.G.Lyons，‘Museum Policy’，a position document for the Advisory Council，dated 11 November 1932，**D，Z 186.
6.Mackintosh，‘Special Exhibitions’，p.4 and Follett，The Rise of the Science Museum under Sir Henry Lyons，（London：Science Museum，1978），p.120，although arguments can be made for adhesives（1926），glass（1931）and refrigeration（1934）.
7.See the Joint Science Museum Annual Report for 1976 and 1977（p.5），the Science Museum Report for 1978（pp.9-10）and the Science Museum Annual Report for 1979（pp.8-9）.
8.Mackintosh‘Special Exhibitions’，p.1.
9.Ibid.[or Mackintosh，‘Special Exhibitions’] p.2.
10.Science Museum Annual Report for 1979，pp.9-10.
11.Science Museum Annual Report for 1935，p.9.
12.Ibid.，p.11.
13.Keith Geddes（with Gordon Bussey），The Set-Makers：A History of the Radio and Television Industry（London：BREMA，1991）.Also see Russell W.Burns，British Television：The Formative Years（London：Peregrinus，in association with the Science Museum，1986）and Burns，Television：The International History of the Formative Years（London：IEE，1998）.
14.Letter from Mackintosh to Sir Noel Ashbridge of the BBC dated 16 November 1936（but actually sent on the 18th），**D，ED 79/178.
15.Ibid.
16.Letter from N.Ashridge of the BBC to Mackintosh，dated 20 November 1936，**D，ED 79/178.
17.Minutes of the meeting held on 25 November 1936，item 4，quotation on 3，**D，ED 79/178.
18.Minutes of the meeting held on 8 January 1937，item 5，quotation on 3，**D，ED 79/178.
19.Minutes of the meeting on 15 January 1937，item 2（amendments to the minutes of the first meeting）and item 6，**D，ED 79/178.
20.Minutes of the meeting on 15 January 1937，item 5，**D，ED 79/178.
21.Minutes of the meeting on 15 January 1937，item 7，quotation on page 4 of the minutes，**D，ED 79/178.
22.Minutes of the meeting on 22 January 1937，item 4，quotation on 2，**D，ED 79/178.
23.See Science Museum Annual Report for 1937，p.11，and‘Television Exhibition at the Science Museum’，Nature139（1937），1077.
24.Science Museum Annual Report for 1937，p.10.For Reith declining the invitation，see the minutes of the meeting held on 13 April 1937，item 4，**D，ED 79/178.
25.There is a map of the exhibition and a picture of the cubicles at http：//www.thevalvepage.com/tvyears/1937/tvy1937text.htm（accessed 7 May 2009）.
26.Note from Mackintosh to Hartley agreeing to the acquisitions，dated 14 September 1937，**D，ED 79/178.
27.G.R.M.Garratt，ed.，Television：An Account of the Development and General Principles of the Television as illustrated by a Special Exhibition held at the Science Museum，June-September1937（London：HMSO，1937）.
28.Minutes of the meeting held on 16 June 1937，item 6，quotation on p.2，**D，ED 79/178.
29.Letter from Mackintosh to Paterson，dated 13 July 1937，**D，ED 78/178.
30.Letter from Paterson to Mackintosh，dated 14 July 1937，**D，ED 79/178.
31.Letter from H.J.Barton-Chapple of Baird Television to Garratt，dated 22 July 1937，**D，ED 79/178.
32.Letter from Hartley to Barton-Chapple，dated 23 July 1937（Garratt was away），**D，ED 79/178.
33.Sarah Smith，Children，Cinema and Censorship：From Dracula to the Dead End Kids（London：I.B.Tauris，2005），pp.45-76.
34.T.S.Moore and J.C.Philip，The Chemical Society，1841-1941：A Historical Review（London：Chemical Society，1947）；D.H.Whiffen and D.H.Hey，The Royal Society of Chemistry：The First150 Years（London：Royal Society of Chemistry，1991）；and Robert F.Bud，‘The Discipline of Chemistry：The Origin and Early Years of the Chemical Society of London’，unpublished PhD Thesis，University of Pennsylvania，1980.Also see C.A.Russell，N.G.Coley and G.K.Roberts，Chemists by Profession：The Origins and Rise of the Royal Institute of Chemistry（Milton Keynes：Open University Press，1977）.For the history of the celebrations themselves，see A Record of the Centenary Celebrations（London：Chemical Society，1948）.Sophie Forgan‘Atoms in Wonderland’，History and Technology19（2003），pp.177-196.
35.See his biography G.M.Bennett，‘Robertson，Sir Robert（1869-1949）’，rev.K.D.Watson，Oxford Dictionary of National Biography，Oxford University Press，2004；online edn，Jan 2008 [http：//www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/35785，accessed 19 Jan 2010]，and for his work at the Laboratory of the Government Chemist see P.W.Hammond and H.Egan，Weighed in the Balance：A History of the Laboratory of the Government Chemist（London：HMSO，1992），chapter 15.
36.‘Report of the first meeting of the subcommittee held on Tuesday May 7th 1946’，**D，ED 79/154.
37.‘Note of a discussion at the Science Museum at 11 am Monday May 27th 1946’and a letter from Shaw to D.C.Martin，General Secretary of the Chemical Society，dated 30 May 1946，both **D，ED 79/154.
38.Moore and Philip，The Chemical Society，1841-1941.
39.Alexander Findlay，A Hundred Years of Chemistry（London：Gerald Duckworth，1937）.It was reissued in a revised version by Trevor I.Williams in 1948，presumably to capitalise on the interest generated by the exhibition.For the centenary celebrations，Findlay produced a compendium of biographical memoirs，British Chemists（London：Chemical Society，1947），with W.H.Mills.
40.‘Minutes of the second meeting held on June 19th 1946’，**D，ED 79/154.
41.F.Sherwood Taylor，A Century of British Chemistry（London：Longman Green，1947）.For the papers relating to this book（and Sherwood Taylor's involvement with this exhibition as a whole），see folders 132 to 137，MSS Taylor，Archives of the Museum of the History of Science，Oxford.I am indebted to Tony Simcock for this reference.
42.‘Minutes of the third meeting held on August 8th 1946’，**D，ED 79/154.
43.For Jolliffe's attendance in place of Brown see the minutes for the fourth and fifth meetings in **D，ED 79/154.For his near-appointment as Director（he was placed third on a shortlist of four）see‘Results of Competition’dated 15 May 1956，TNA：PRO，Comp.No.S.4575/56.
44.‘Minutes of the third meeting held on August 8th 1946’，**D，ED 79/154.
45.‘Minutes of the fourth meeting held on Thursday 17th October 1946’，**D，ED 79/154.The handbook was published as Chemical Progress：Handbook of an Exhibition，a slim volume with a light blue cover，by His Majesty's Stationery Office in 1947.
46.See the letter from A.Barclay to J.R.Ruck Keene of the Chemical Society，dated 7 August 1946，with an attached list of possible exhibits from the Science Museum，**D，ED 79/154.
47.‘Suggested Layout of Exhibition and Summary of Exhibits’，undated，**D，ED 79/154.
48.A press notice entitled‘100 Years of British Chemistry’dated December 1946 with a cover letter signed by D.C.Martin，also dated December 1946，**D，ED 79/154.
49.Quotation taken from‘D.S.I.R.Section of Chemical Society Centenary Celebration Exhibition’，undated but around October 1946，**D，ED 79/154.
50.For a detailed study of this crisis，see Alex J.Robertson，The Bleak Midwinter：1947（Manchester：Manchester University Press，1987）.For a more general history of the coal industry in this period，see chapters 4 and 5 of William Ashworth，The History of the British Coal Industry，volume 5，1946-1982：The Nationalised Industry（Oxford：Clarendon Press，1986）.
51.Letter from O'Dea to A.M.Rake of the Ministry of Fuel and Power，dated 27 August 1947，**D，ED 79/164.
52.Note from O'Dea to Hartley appended to a timetable of his dealings with the ministry，dated 28 August 1947，**D，ED 79/164.
53.Letter from W.H.Willson of the Ministry of Fuel and Power to Hartley，dated 8 September 1947，**D，ED 79/164.
54.Note from O'Dea to Hartley，dated 28 July 1947 and confirmed by Willson in his letter of 8 September，**D，ED 79/164.
55.Note from Hartley to Shaw，dated 10 September 1947，**D，ED 79/164.
56.Shaw's response to Hartley appended to the original note，dated 11 September 1947.
57.Note from O'Dea to Hartley，dated 3 October 1947，and Hartley's response of 4 October.**D，ED 79/164.
58.Science Museum press release，undated but clearly composed in early October 1947 as it was sent to Lord Citrine on 15 October，**D，ED 79/164.The projected visitor figures were probably inflated for political reasons，but the actual total was a very respectable 218，717.
59.Letter from Lord Citrine to Shaw，dated 29 October 1947，**D，ED 79/164.
60.Letter from Willson of the Ministry of Fuel and Power to O'Dea，dated 6 January 1948，**D，ED 79/164.
61.Note by Hartley to the Director，appended to a note from O'Dea to Hartley，dated 13 December 1947，**D，ED 79/164.
62.Response from Shaw to Hartley，dated 16 December 1947，and subsequent internal exchanges in the file，**D，ED 79/164.
63.Hansard，HC Deb 11 June 1953 vol.5 16 c440，Response by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury（John Boyd-Carpenter）to a question by Cledwyn Hughes MP，available online at http：//hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1953/jun/11/science-graduates-employment（accessed 13 May 2009）.
64.Letter from A.E.Gunther to Barclay，dated 7 September 1953，**D，ED 79/179.
65.Note to the Director written by Barclay，dated 27 October 1953，**D，ED 79/179.
66.Sherwood Taylor's response to Barclay，dated 28 October 1953，**D，ED 79/179.
67.Barclay's response to Sherwood Taylor's comment，dated 3 November 1953，**D，ED 79/179.
68.Formal letter from Barclay to Gunther，dated 27 October 1953，**D，ED 79/179.
69.A.Simcock，Sph?ra，8（Autumn 1998）；available online at http：//www.mhs.ox.ac.uk/sphaera/（accessed 29 April 2009）.
70.Letter from Sherwood Taylor to Gunther，dated 18 November 1953，**D，ED 79/179.
71.Letter from Gunther to Sherwood Taylor，dated 19 November 1953.Sherwood Taylor sent a brief response on 25 November，accepting Gunther's offer to remove the reference to Shell，**D，ED 79/179.
72.Memo to Barclay and Chilton written by Winton，date-stamped 21 July 1954，**D，ED 79/179.
73.Memo from Chilton to Barclay，dated 26 February 1954，quotations on pp.1 and 2.Also see the letter from Sherwood Taylor to Gunther，dated 1 March 1954，confirming the new arrangement.All **D，ED 79/179.
74.Note from Winton to Chilton，dated 2 March 1954，**D，ED 79/179.
75.Press Notice，dated April 1954，**D，ED 79/179.
76.Letter from Barclay to Gunther，dated 11 May 1954，**D，ED 79/179.
77.Figure given in Barclay's letter of 11 May.
78.Letter from Gunther to Barclay，dated 14 May 1954，**D，ED 79/179.
79.Letter dated 18 November 1953，cited above，**D，ED 79/179.
80.Memo to Barclay and Chilton by Winton，cited above，**D，ED 79/179.
81.Letter from Mackintosh to J.H.Markham，Chief Architect of the HM Office of Works，dated 25 February 1939，**D，ED 79/53.
82.Note from Greenaway to Follett，dated 22 October 1970，Nominal File 4584.
83.Response by Follett to Greenaway，dated 12 November 1970，**D，4584.
84.Letter by Greenaway to Mason of the Gas Council，dated 17 November 1970，signed by L.R.Day，**D，4584.
85.‘Science Museum-Gas Gallery’，a document for the meeting of the Executive Committee of The Gas Council prepared by the Public Relations Adviser and the Manager，Publicity and Marketing Projects，dated 22 December 1970，**D，4584.
86.Letter from Mason to Greenaway，dated 17 March 1971，**D，4584.
87.For the content of the exhibition，see‘Natural Gas Exhibition：Summary of Contents’，dated 8 July 1971，**D，4584.
88.Letter from Greenaway to C.A.R.Jones，Deputy Secretary of the Gas Council，dated 10 November 1971，**D，4584.
89.Ibid.
90.Edward W.Said's path-breaking but controversial book on orientalism was published by Routledge & Kegan Paul in 1978，just two years after this festival.For a more recent edition，see Edward W.Said，Orientalism（London：Penguin，2003）.
91.Personal communication from Paul Keeler，dated 5 May 2009.
92.The Guardian，18 June 2002.
93.Letter from Dr Thomas to Ahmad Bahafzallah，President of the Federation of the Students Islamic Societies，dated 2 June 1976，**D，Z 228.
94.For general accounts of the 1975‘World of Islam Festival’see Harold Beeley，‘The World of Islam Festival，London 1976’，Museum30（1）（1978），pp.10-11，and John Sabini，‘The World of Islam’，Saudi Aramco World27/3（May/June 1976），available online at http：//www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/197603/the.world.of.islam-its.festival.htm（accessed 20 January 2010）.For the Science Museum's exhibition（with illustrations of the exhibits）see David B.Thomas，‘Science and Technology in Islam：An Exhibition at the Science Museum’，Museum30（1）（1978），pp.18-21.
95.A copy of Professor Watt's letter to the Daily Telegraph，published on 25 November 1975，is attached to a letter from Paul Keeler to Dr Thomas，dated 18 November 1975，**D，Z 228.
96.Personal communication from Paul Keeler，dated 5 May 2009.
97.For the prehistory and background to the‘World of Islam Festival’，see the draft letter to the Daily Telegraphwritten by Keeler and sent to Dr Thomas with his letter of 18 November 1975，**D，Z 228.
98.Letter to the Director from Paul Keeler，dated 23 March 1973，**D，Z 228.
99.Note by Greenaway，dated 3 April 1973，appended to a note by Winton of the same date.
100.Note by Wartnaby，dated 10 September 1974，appended to a note by David Thomas about Nasr，dated 9 September，**D，Z 228.
101.Contrast David Thomas's breezy remark that‘Dr Greenaway is confident that the alchemy section can done successfully’in his memo of 4 October 1974 with Greenaway's marginal note of 5 October on this document that‘I am not “confident” that an alchemy section based on original material would be easy to do…’（underlining in original）.By 31 October，Greenaway was‘not at all happy with this’；a marginal note on Thomas's memo to the Director on the pros and cons of continuing with the exhibition，dated 28 October，**D，Z 228.
102.Weston replied to Thomas's memo on the exhibition of 28 October with the marginal note‘I am going to let Dr Thomas go ahead with this，though I do regard it as a very borderline case’，**D，Z 228.
103.Personal communication from Paul Keeler，dated 5 May 2009.
104.See the four-page‘Proposed Outline of the Exhibition of Islamic Science for the Festival of Islam，London 1976，prepared by S.H.Nasr’，undated，**D，Z 228.
105.Note by David Thomas to Wartnaby（originally Greenaway but scored out），dated 9 September 1974，**D，Z 228.
106.Personal communication from Paul Keeler，dated 5 May 2009.Maddison and Turner helped to produce a exhibition catalogue at the time，but Maddison's efforts to produce a scholarly‘catalogue raisonne’were probably defeated by his own perfectionism；personal communications from Tony Simcock，dated 3 March 2009 and 4 September 2009.Leonard Harrow and Peter Lambourn Wilson，Science and Technology in Islam：An Exhibition at the Science Museum，London…based on information and research by F.R.Maddison and A.J.Turner（London：Crescent Moon Press，1976）.
107.For the content，see Thomas，‘Science and Technology in Islam’.
108.Personal communication from Paul Keeler，dated 5 May 2009.
109.Thomas's memorandum on the pros and cons of the exhibition，dated 28 October 1974，**D，Z 228.
110.‘Final Attendance figures’，a handwritten and undated list of visitor figures for the period 8 April to 29 August，‘final’added afterwards and double underlined，**D，Z 228.Later，in‘Science and Technology in Islam’，Thomas stated that the visitor numbers were‘around 40000’（p.21）.
111.Letter to the Director from Guy Pearce of the World of Islam Festival 1976，dated 3 May 1976，**D，Z 228.
112.See，for example，Seyyid Hossein Nasr，‘Islam and Modern Science’，a lecture delivered on the eve of the Middle East peace conference in Madrid，30 October 1991.
113.Proposal by Greenaway and Raimes，dated 16 October 1979，sent to Weston on 18 October.Although the memorandum was produced jointly，the style is that of Frank Greenway rather than Jane Raimes，so we can ascribe the authorship of this passage to him with some confidence，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
114.Memo from D.Robinson to Weston，dated 25 October 1978，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
115.Note of a telephone conversation with J.G.Anderson of the Department of Trade by Greenaway，dated 20 November 1978，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
116.Minutes of a meeting between the Science Museum and the Design Council on 17 January 1979，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
117.Minutes of the‘initial meeting’（of the Microprocessors Advisory Group？）on 2 February 1979，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
118.Note of a meeting of the Microprocessors Advisory Group held on 26 March 1979 and a subsequent exchange of notes between Raimes and Weston on 27 and 28 March，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
119.Personal communication from Mrs Jane Raimes，dated 4 May 2009.
120.See the letter from Weston to the Prime Minister，dated 27 July 1979，inviting her to open the exhibition around 26 November，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.There is no reply from the Prime Minister's Office on the file，and she may have declined（or never responded）because Norman St John Stevas was probably keen to open it himself；for his enthusiasm for the exhibition，see the note from Mary Giles to Mrs [Sheena] Evans of the Department of Education and Science，dated 11 July 1979，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
121.‘Financial Situation as at 26th October 1979’by Gordon Bowyer and Partners，dated 26 October 1979，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
122.A letter from M.Weston to HRH The Duke of Kent，dated 24 August，states：‘the exhibition will open during the first half of December’.A letter from his Private Secretary，Richard Buckley，dated 2 October refers to 13 December，presumably a date which suited the Duke of Kent，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
123.See the draft programme sent to St James's Palace by Derek Robinson with a cover letter from Robinson to Commander Buckley，the Duke of Kent's Private Secretary，dated 2 November 1979，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
124.File note by Becklake，dated 23 November 1979，referring to a meeting on 22 November，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
125.Science Museum Annual Report for 1980，p.5.Mr MacPharlane's [sic] name is written by hand into the（undated）schedule for the opening of the exhibition on 26 February 1980，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.
126.For the invitation to Kilby and his non-appearance，see a letter from Becklake（signed by J.Griffiths）to R.Mann，dated 7 February 1980，**D，SCM/2002/00/09 & 11.For the Duke of Kent's visit，see Science Museum Annual Report for 1980，p.5.
127.Science Museum Annual Report for 1980，p.5.
128.Ibid.，p.12.
[1] 这部分基于T.M.布恩（T.M.Boon）于2000年8月在慕尼黑第五次文物会议上发表的论文《20世纪30年代中期的噪声和烟雾展览：科学博物馆在机器上的花销》（“Noise and Smoke：Displaying the Costs of the Machine Age at the Science Museum in the Mid-1930s”），得到作者的允许后使用。
[2] 我很感激国家媒体博物馆的馆长伊恩·洛基·贝尔德（Iain Logie Baird），他在2009年2月26日的个人通信中帮助我与英国电视台达成早期的合作。
[3] 这在信件隔天才能送达的时期是严重的延时。这可以明确看出麦金托什在他的回应速度上做出了很大努力。
[4] 这一描述基于手册的内容，不过展览似乎与此是相似的。
[5] 标题拼写的是“Hyndley”，但是他的姓是“Hindley”。
[6] 目前，石油工业在整体上并没有一个完整的学术史。比较流行的报告是Daniel Yergin，The Prize：The Epic Quest for Oil，Money and Power（New York and London：Simon & Schuster，1991）and Anthony Sampson，The Seven Sisters：The Great Oil Companies and the World They Made，3rd edn（London：Coronet Books，1993）.For the history of Royal Dutch/Shell，see Jan Luiten van Zanden，Joost Jonker and Stephen Howarth，A History of Royal Dutch Shell，four volumes（Oxford：Oxford University Press，2007）.For Anglo-Iranian/BP，see James Bamberg，The History of the British Petroleum Company，volume 2，The Anglo-Iranian Years，1928—1954（Cambridge：Cambridge University Press，1994）and Bamberg，British Petroleum and Global Oil，1950-1975：The Challenge of Nationalism（Cambridge：Cambridge University Press，2000）。
[7] 20世纪50年代到60年代，英国天然气工业的兴起导致煤气向天然气的转换，见 Trevor I.Williams，A History of the British Gas Industry（Oxford：Oxford University Press，1981）and Andrew Jenkins，“Government Intervention in the British Gas Industry”，Business History46（2004），pp.57-78。令人惊讶的是，到目前为止，还没有学者对转换过程进行任何深入的研究，但在上述书中，威廉姆斯在第17章对转换的技术过程做了一个很好的描述。
[8] 请注意，麦金托什说的是“主题展览”，而不是“行业展览”。这表达出科学博物馆不是一个贸易展览馆。
[9] 对这些问题的一个全面的讨论见Yasmin Khan，“The Representation and Interpretation of Islamic Science in the Museum”，a paper presented to the“Representing Islam：Comparative Perspectives” conference at the University of Manchester，September 2008。
[10] 这个评价基于亚斯明·可汗（Yasmin Khan）的“伊斯兰科学在博物馆中的表现和解释”。我要感谢亚斯明·可汗和保尔·基勒对这个话题的帮助。
[11] 也许令人惊讶的是，微处理器本身没有学术史，但它的发展和影响可以追溯到计算机的历史，这一点可参见Paul E.Ceruzzi，A History of Modern Computing（Cambridge，Massachusetts：MIT Press，1998）and Martin Campbell-Kelly and William Aspray，Computer：A History of the Information Machine（New York：Basic Books，1996）。