优绩主义是罪魁祸首吗？

对于社会的政治极化，两党和美国选民将继续寻找原因及解药。如果我们抛开文化意识层面的身份政治路线，在物质经济层面寻找极化的原因，将会是怎样一番景象。哈佛大学的桑德尔教授、普林斯顿大学的凯斯和迪顿教授夫妇、耶鲁大学的马科维茨教授、加利福尼亚州大学伯克利分校的霍赫希尔德教授分别出版了几部相当有影响力的著作，不约而同探讨了美国社会深层次的不平等现象及其原因，都将矛头指向了引领美国主流社会意识半个世纪的优绩主义（Meritocracy）。他们并不是代表民主党派做出反省，因为优绩主义几乎是美国社会曾经的共识，时至今日，知识界对于美国社会底层的呐喊做出了回应，认为美国应该重新塑造一种更加平等的价值观和分配观，让人们在工作和尊严之间寻找到更好的平衡点，从而让社会从可怕的极化中恢复平静。

美国是高度发达的资本主义国家，无论是商界、产业界、金融界和政界，都充斥着精英治国的理念。制造业逐渐退出美国舞台之后，取而代之的是科技和金融产业，高端服务业和产品的终端让美国的财富获得了极大的增加，推动这一路线的正是优绩主义理念。特朗普之前的总统已经成为各界精英人士的典型，即使出身一般的黑人总统奥巴马，在任内也是优绩主义的鼓吹手，他自己本身就是哈佛校园里走出来的精英分子。久而久之，美国人开始看到一个坚不可摧但极不平等的体系，仿佛在经济和政治上获得绝大部分利益的群体都是精英人士，领导这个阶层的人物如果不是出身名门望族，那也得是顶尖大学的象牙塔里出来的专业人士，以华尔街为代表的专业分工体系已经将基本的行业术语都搞得普通人听不懂了，在西海岸的新贵硅谷科技圈，还有很多来自异国他乡的高学历精英人士掌控着全世界的各种话语平台，这一切已和美国的平民社会无关。在现在美国的上市公司利润结构中，金融业占据第一位，信息技术产业占据第二位，工业只能占到大约7%的比例。以服务业为主的财富聚集地多数围绕着波士顿、纽约、西雅图等高贵都市圈，高科技产业围绕着加利福尼亚州的旧金山、洛杉矶和硅谷地区、圣地亚哥等地，而这些地方在选举时都是民主党的票仓，剩下的地区，成为共和党的票源之地，这在很大程度上说明政治上的极化与经济上的不平等已经挂上了钩。自然，选民就会去寻找导致不平等的背后因素，于是被两党精英阶层和知识阶层鼓吹的优绩主义就成了宣泄不满的渠道。(44)

美国统治阶级的优绩主义思维不仅在美国国内占据主导，而且他们将这套标准与全球化牢牢捆绑在了一起。全球化给优绩主义这种思想带来了相当丰厚的回报，让美国的精英感觉到自己不仅身处美国金字塔的顶端，而且也在全球经济生态链的顶端，可以用最小的付出获得最大的收获。(45)优绩主义鼓励能者多得、赢者通吃的规则，于是美国的精英阶层和第三世界的精英达成了关于利润分配的默契，在此基础上建立了全球的分工格局。带着这种思想烙印的全球分工只会加剧全球不平等的程度。因为资本收入在整体价值中的比例越来越高，而劳动力和基本技能变得越来越无足轻重，所以美国资本家要做的事情就是一直在全球寻找低价劳动力的替代国，以便在一个国家获得政策上的阻碍时可以立刻转移产地。这种分工就是优绩主义的典型逻辑产物，美国掌握着最大的优绩资源—高科技创新和高等院校，产业链的下游在劳动力相对廉价的国家，很明显环境污染和生态恶化也在这些国家，甚至在美国国内也是这种逻辑的结果，中西部地区制造业集中的地区也面临着生态环境的恶化以及人们健康水平受到明显影响。再加上这样的全球分工格局并没有使美国的中产阶级以及中下阶级获得更多的收益，却让美国的精英阶层获得了更多的份额，这就使得中产以下的广大阶层产生了愤怒，社会阶层之间的张力也随之变大，进而集中在2016年的大选中反映出来了。

人们普遍认为，特朗普成功的主要因素之一就是他坚定的反精英主义。特朗普确实是这么做的，但原因在于民主党和共和党在21世纪以来发生的角色互换。无论是在国内还是国际议题上，民主党在美国民众心目中越来越脱离劳工阶级转而成为一个优绩主义导向的精英政党，这一点就连民主党阵营的进步主义势力也已经看透了，更别说广大中下层的白人工人阶级群体。2020年代表民主党赢得大选的拜登是36年来党内第一位没有常春藤大学学位的总统。在克林顿和奥巴马的总统任期内，美国依靠科技和创新牢牢地控制了全球化的进程，四处展现着美国的国家竞争力，将民主党华丽地塑造成精英、自我、贤能的对知识界具有强大号召力的技术型政党。在优绩主义理念方面，民主党的当权派相比较而言与共和党的当权派更谈得来，典型的代表人物就是曾经在2012年代表共和党参选总统的罗姆尼。罗姆尼就是资本精英的代表，他被标榜为美国政坛最典型的“精致的利己主义者”，他的观点与特朗普主义主导的共和党格格不入，几乎到了“逢特必反”的地步，一般参议院对重大问题进行表决的时候，媒体都会去试探他的态度，仿佛他就是天然会背叛共和党的那一位参议员，只要他的观点偏向共和党，那么其他所有共和党参议员的投票好像就已经水落石出了。

两党当权派通过优绩主义与精英阶层黏合在一起，形成牢固的利益共同体，打倒这个强大的利益集团成了特朗普2016年竞选过程中反复呐喊的战斗口号。看到这样的口号，共和党内部的当权势力发起了一场“Never Trump Movement”（永不特朗普运动），旨在阻挡特朗普成为总统。(46)除了犹他州参议员罗姆尼以外，众议员切尼成为这场运动的坚定领导者，她在任何场合都反对特朗普，声明将尽自己的一切努力阻止特朗普当选。在2021年5月被众议院共和党议员集体投票罢免领导职务之后，切尼立即公开表示她将继续反对特朗普，并会尽最大努力阻止他再次参选美国总统。正如民主党内激进派和当权派的矛盾一样，共和党内随着特朗普主义的蔓延，党内大资本家集团、军工集团等派系与特朗普集团将会有着极为血腥的厮杀，2022年中期选举将会成为兵家必争之地，很快更为重要的2024年大选也会来临，被两党的各大派系拉伸到极限的美国社会政治光谱又将承受考验，政治斗争也将会越来越白热化。

毕竟美国是世界上最富裕、综合国力最强的国家，弥漫着精英气氛的民主党自然对价值问题更有兴趣，他们对身份政治和文化多元主义议题投入了大量的精力。以至于拜登在当选总统后表示美国最大的敌人是白人至上主义和全球变暖，并强调要彻底解决美国的系统性种族主义问题。而这正是特朗普一直猛攻民主党、激起国内中下层选民愤懑的地方。只要双方在一些事关美国社会收入分配、医疗保障等问题上的关注点渐行渐远，那么未来很长时间内美国的政治极化现象不但不会改善，反而会酝酿更大的危机。说到底，优绩主义到底不是导致美国极化的原因，导致优绩主义失去立足点的社会因素才是原因。两党都有社会精英，都有利益集团的影子，如果精英阶层互相之间不愿意妥协，未来美国民众不但会对美国的公共政策失望，更会逐渐对美国的政治制度失去信任，美国将会越来越动**，这种内政上的动**甚至会深刻地影响国际政治与经济格局的变化。

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